Concerns can be shared to different degrees. But AI is both positive or negativeit has great promise, great capability but also, with that comes great danger, Musk explained. At first glance, this might seem to be a highly speculative and hypothetical question. hasContentIssue true, The Conceptual Domain of Affective Phenomena, This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (, Copyright The Author(s), 2022. A New Theoretical Approach to Populism, The Promise and Perils of Populism. Why Love Matters for Justice, Anger and Forgiveness. Global Perspectives, The Emotions of Protest. Musk has previously warned about the dangers of the unrestricted development of AI and the detrimental effects it could have on humanity. The Negative Impacts of the Internet on Society include: Easy availability of illegal or inappropriate materials online that isnt age-suitable. According to Laclau and Mouffe, populism is a political logic (Laclau) or discursive strategy (Mouffe) that creates a demarcation between two relatively homogenous groupsthe people and those in powerin order to establish a new hegemonic order under the rule of the people. Populism is also to some extent an anonymous structural feature of how a group of agents feels, thinks, and acts. (3) Populism appeals not only to individual emotions of discontent, anger, and fear, but also to empathetic, sympathetic, group-based, and shared ones. This article interrogates dominant definitions of populism found in the social sciences, focusing on the terms conceptual utility in understanding recent changes in Western polities. It is 21 Lessons for the 21st Century authored by Yuval Noah Harari. An appeal to the affects of discontent and frustration leaves open the question of not only who is to be blamed for the situation but also whether there is a particular person, group of persons, or structure to be blamed for it at all. Rather, populism is distinguished by the fact that it appeals to affects in a different way; it breaks with the dominating feeling rules, that is, with those rules that tell us which affects in which intensity to have and display in a certainin this case public and politicalcontext (Hochschild Reference Hochschild1979). Therefore, the political appeal to affects is never problematic per se. In the research world, the meaning of "statistical significance" can be ambiguous. Fearing a threat to oneself might be a reaction to the fact that one observes others already suffering from the evil in question; and the felt uncertainty that is constitutive of the emotion of anxiety might itself give rise to anger toward those deemed responsible for the uncertainties in question. (1) Populism breaks with the dominating feeling rules, which tell us that the political is the domain of reason, deliberation, moderation, and cultural and religious neutrality, whereas the unmediated display of emotions, passionate commitment, spontaneity, and cultural and religious identity belong to the realm of the private. According to this picture, it is not a specific ideological content that defines populism but rather a specific form of doing politics. Collective emotions of political agents of this kind look different than those of populists. It is thereby characteristic of the populist appeal to empathetic and sympathetic emotions that these emotions are restricted to a proper part of the community, the people. In their discussion, the authors hypothesize that anxiety could be related not to populism but to specific ideologies, namely political conservativism and the radical right. 1 INTRODUCTION. Moreover, it helps foster a sense of urgency since there is still something that is at stake, whereas, in the case of anger, the evil has already occurred, which is why anger motivates punishment rather than prevention. The fact that the logic of populism is dependent upon the dichotomy between rationality and affectivity and the political and the private gives rise to the question of whether in a different world, where the realm of politics is identified with the realm of affects, and the hegemonic form of politics is a politics of emotion, populism might take the opposite formnamely that of a detached and dispassionate engagement. On the contrary, an individualistic logic allows the members of a community to form coalitions of interests but rejects the idea of collective entities as proper parts of this community. The appeal to emotions of fear and anxiety fulfills yet another functionnamely that of creating a sense of urgency and impending danger. Political Emotions. It was a popular philosophy that aimed to make the American people a better society, and it was a political Group-based emotions are not necessarily tokens of emotions that supplement our individual, empathetic, and sympathetic emotions. By appealing to the affects of anger and fear, this vague affect is turned into more concrete emotions. There is at least one good reason to measure the sup-port for populism by means of opinions or attitudes. Implications for Caring and Justice, Populism. Third, the strategy is in danger of strengthening rather than weakening right-wing populism by providing further evidence for the populist claim that the elite denies the voice of the people, ignores their realities of life, and disdains their affects. At the same time, in the background of my anger, there is, first, a concern for the party as the entity that defends the concern in question and that is partly constituted by it; second, a concern for the people in the name of whom the concern is held and defended; and third, a concern for the community as a whole of which the people is a proper part. WebRecent research suggests that these populist tendencies can have effects on social trust in institutions more generally. And it involves the desire to lash out at its object or to see that object hurt (Pettigrove Reference Pettigrove2012:35758). But they can also be reactions to the situation of another person regardless of whether the other person feels a specific emotion or not. I don't want you to be hopeful. It is highly context sensitive, occurs in various countries and regions, and in different historical periods (Ionescu and Gellner Reference Ionescu and Gellner1970; Gidron and Bonikowski Reference Gidron and Bonikowski2013; Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser Reference Mudde and Kaltwasser2014); it takes various ideological forms, reaching from the left to the right and from exclusionary to inclusionary (Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser Reference Mudde and Kaltwasser2013); it occurs in different organizational forms spanning grassroots movements to highly organized political parties and is socially inhomogeneous. Anger, for example, involves a feeling of hostility or antipathy toward its object (Cherry and Flanagan Reference Cherry and Flanagan2018; Nussbaum Reference Nussbaum2016; Pettigrove Reference Pettigrove2012). Scholars have stated that it is characteristic for political populism to describe society as a fundamental struggle The Indian case reveals that populism can significantly affect civil society and civil liberties, such as freedom of religion. However, the appeal to what Laclau calls a vague feeling of solidarity and what I have specified as empathetic, sympathetic, and group-based emotions is not enough to constitute the collective identity of the people (Laclau Reference Laclau2007: 74, 93). We follow the minimal definition summarized by Mudde (Reference Mudde 2004), for whom populism is a set Bhutto, former PM Nawaz Sharif and the incumbent PM Khan and the counter-populism forces like the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) in the 1970s and Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) 2020, it is important to study the factors behind populism in Pakistan in the 21 st Conceiving of populism as a political logic or strategy that constructs a morally laden frontier between two homogenous groupsthe people and the establishmentand evokes a sense of crisis in order to overcome the existing hegemonic order helps us shed light on why an appeal to affects is relevant for the efficacy of the political strategy of populism at all and why particular affectsnamely individual and collective emotions of anxiety and anger, empathy, and sympathy, and the collective passions of enthusiasm and loveare thereby of pivotal importance. This kind of endeavor, in turn, is associated with the domain of affect and, more precisely, with that of shared affects, which (even more than individual ones) historically have been associated with the irrationality and violence of revolting mobs (Laclau Reference Laclau2007: 2164). (2) In appealing to the affects of discontent and frustration, populism creates a general sense that something is going wrong. By contrast, radical investment is an attitude that totalizes the value of the object to which it is affectively attached. The Negative Impacts of the Internet on Society include: Easy availability of illegal or inappropriate materials online that isnt age-suitable. Populism was a movement that emerged in North America during the 1800s. Because it is. For example, it is worth taking a closer look at the questions of how left- and right-wing populism differ in their appeal to fear and anger, and how the appeal to empathetic and sympathetic feelings is used and misused by populists. First, in appealing to collective emotions of the people and ascribing political significance to them, populism appeals to a commitment to the principle of popular sovereignty that it presents as undermined by the hegemonic social and political order. WebAlthough it won some significant regional victories, the alliances generally proved politically ineffective on a national scale. The collective entity of the people is only being constituted if this last step of collectivization is performed. The research extends from the conceptual question of what political emotions or affects are (Protevi Reference Protevi, von Scheve and Salmela2014; Szanto and Slaby Reference Szanto, Slaby, Szanto and Landweer2020; Slaby and Bens Reference Slaby, Bens, Slaby and von Scheve2019), to the distinction of different forms of shared affective intentionality (Salmela Reference Salmela2012), to explorations of specific political affects, including those of populism (Cossarini and Vallespn Reference Cossarini and Vallespn2019b; Hochschild Reference Hochschild2018; Salmela and Scheve Reference Salmela and von Scheve2017, Reference Salmela and von Scheve2018). Accordingly, the political logic of populism overtly embraces affects instead of suppressing or denying them (on this and the rest of the paragraph, see Moffitt Reference Moffitt, Cossarini and Vallespn2019). The content of what we commit ourselves tofor example, the idea of radical democracy or national identitythereby is dependent on both the context and ideology of the movement or party. WebSmall "effects" sizes. Then, I take a closer look at three different groups of affective phenomena that are of particular importance to the political logic of populism: individual, group-based, and collective emotions of anger and fear; empathy and sympathy; and the collective passions of enthusiasm and love. This is in stark contrast to Nussbaum's view on political emotions. Despite their differences, such approaches assume that populist parties can be meaningfully located in spatial terms. As we have seen in Greece, the antiestablishment feelings of populism can be so strong that these feelings even allow coalitions to be built between populist parties from opposite political camps such as SYRIZA and ANEL (Aslanidis and Rovira Kaltwasser Reference Aslanidis and Kaltwasser2016). 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